About face: the three guineas photographs in cultural context. (2024)

[E]very image of the past that is not recognized by the present asone of its own concern threatens to disappear irretrievably. --WalterBenjamin, "Theses on the Philosophy of History"

I Pass in Review (1)

Jane Marcus's 2006 annotated edition of Three Guineasintroduced many of Woolf's American readers to the work's fiveblack-and-white photographs, four bearing images of contemporary Britishpatriarchs. (2) Omitted from American editions beginning with the 1963Harbinger edition, and from British ones with the 1968 printing of theUniform edition, the photographs were restored to the latter withMichele Barrett's 1993 Penguin composite edition of A Room ofOne's Own and Three Guineas. (3) While the appearance ofBarrett's edition generated significant interest in thephotographs, their generic captioning prompted scholars to read theimages as anonymous, symbolic illustrations of Woolf's writtenarguments connecting fascism, patriarchy, and war. In 1998, AliceStaveley's archival research yielded crucial information about thesubjects' identities, and her subsequent article gestured towardtheir immense cultural importance to Woolf's contemporaryreadership:

 Far from comprising a series of faded and anonymous snapshots of late great men--a misperception enhanced by the distance of time or place, not to mention the somewhat grainy images reproduced in subsequent paperback editions--these men were not only very much alive in June 1938, they were also the reigning "chiefs" of the patriarchal enterprise spanning Empire, Government, Justice, and Religion. (4-5)

The subjects include former Prime Minister (and Chancellor ofCambridge University) Stanley Baldwin; then current Archbishop ofCanterbury Cosmo Gordon Lang; then current Lord Chief Justice GordonHewart; Boer War hero and founder of the Boy Scouts General RobertBaden-Powell; and the State trumpeters of the Household Cavalry. Thateach man's image should have appeared on the 1930s-era cigarettecards that have been reproduced here, alongside the work's originalphotographs, further reinforces the extent to which these figures wouldhave been recognized readily by Woolf's contemporary audience. (4)

Despite the importance of these subjects to British contemporaryculture, and to a politically informed reading of the work, subsequentscholarship has run the gamut from demonstrating a casual disregard fortheir identities to an outright rejection of their materiality to thework itself, their names typically (if at all) recited as part of aritualized, obligatory roll call conducted from the margins of the text.(5) Scholarly attention to the subjects themselves, and to thesignifying power of their images for Woolf's readership, has beennoticeably absent within Woolf studies, with the exception of StuartClarke's "The Lord Chief Justice and the Woolfs" whichargues that each subject should be recognized "not just a pillar ofthe establishment, not just a name, not just a representative of themale order of things--but a real person, one whom she [Woolf] had readabout in the newspapers, one whom she heard about from relations andfriends, and one whom she had watched in action" (24). In theirplace has emerged a distinct preoccupation with the photographs'"generic," illustrative, parodic, and/or comedic effects inthe years since the publication of Staveley's article. (6)Attention to the photographs' "strong comic dimension"(Briggs 324) has been especially pervasive, training readers to focus onthe photographs' surface dimension and relegating the subjects(both literally and figuratively) to ancillary, decorative, and(ironically) feminized roles in the text. (7) This trend is problematicin light of its potential to erode and gradually erase historicalknowledge of these subjects, as the omission of Staveley's findingsfrom some recent studies of the photographs demonstrates. (8)

What is most noteworthy about the photographs that are physicallyembedded in the work is their subjects' minimal presence in thetext, a deliberate strategy that liberates the image from itssubordinate status to the written text, creating a visual language thatoperates in conjunction with, but whose meaning is not contingent on,written language. (9) On the surface, the photographs of Britishpatriarchs seem to belong to a rather dull, because exceedinglyfamiliar, class of images over which the eye is more prone to skim thanbe arrested. Yet however mute and "silent" (Gillespie 38) thesubjects may appear to modern readers, each photograph nevertheless"immediately yields up those 'details' which constitutethe very raw material of ethnological knowledge," what RolandBarthes has called studium (28). While successful transmission of thesedetails has been impeded heretofore by the subjects' temporal (and,for non-British readers, cultural) remoteness, the problem is one ofreception rather than conduction: that is to say, the photographs havelost their ideal audience, but not their ability to signify. Rather than"opaque representations which need the intervention of the text toyield their intended meanings," as has been argued (Gualtieri 175),I wish to suggest that the photographs paradoxically gesture toward theworld off the page while visually reinscribing recent history on thepage, and that Woolf relies on them as a kind of visual shorthandcapable of triggering readers' associations and memories of thediscursive field surrounding each figure--the recent speeches, policies,and/or rulings that would have been immediately accessible and familiarto her readers. (10)

Woolf's 1926 essay "The Cinema" captures herappreciation for how documentary filmmaking not only renders anobjective portrait in perpetuity--"We are beholding a world whichhas gone beneath the waves," she writes in wonderment (2)--but howit functions as an aid to remembering, and thus immortalizing, theprewar past: "The war sprung its chasm at the feet of all thisinnocence and ignorance but it was thus that we danced and pirouetted,toiled and desired, thus that the sun shone and the clouds scudded, upto the very end" (2; italics mine). For Woolf's contemporaryWalter Benjamin, documentary images are invested with a kind of moralimperative that their subjects be remembered; by activating thecognitive processes of image recognition, they invite viewers to takepart in a preemptive gesture against their historical erasure. The ThreeGuineas photographs extend such an invitation to us, just as they did toWoolf's contemporary audience. "[E]very image of the past thatis not recognized by the present as one of its own concern threatens todisappear irretrievably," Benjamin cautions in "Theses on thePhilosophy of History" (255). For Benjamin and Woolf, moments bothmajor and minor constitute the true stuff of history. (11) Woolf'sreliance on newspapers and women's autobiographies and memoirs assource materials in A Room of One's Own and Three Guineas registersher sympathy with Benjamin's view that "nothing that has everhappened should be regarded as lost for history" (254). Thelatter's celebratory vision of a past that has "become citablein all its moments," in which each moment "becomes a citationa l'ordre du jour" (ibid.), is an enticing one to entertain inthe context of Woolf's fiercely antiwar polemic: the militaristicconnotation of "something mentioned in the day'sdispatches" (Eiland and Jennings 398) invites us to regard thephotographs as a kind of visual evidence, as domestic dispatches thattestify to the pervasiveness of fascist, imperialist, andhyper-militarist discourses on the front lines of a soon-to-be-war-tornLondon. (12)

Each photograph, then, can be viewed as a citation of a specificindividual implicated in the spread of these cancerous ideologies, andwhose role in that regard would have been understood immediately byWoolf's contemporary readers. As Stuart Hall's work ondocumentary photography helps us understand, "the ideologicalconcepts embodied in photos and texts in a newspaper ... do not producenew knowledge about the world. They produce recognitions of the world aswe have already learned to appropriate it" (qtd. in Dalgarno 171;italics in original). Thus, this essay is as much an attempt toresurrect (albeit partially) the historical and cultural materiality ofthese subjects as it is to reconstruct the kind of "recognitions ofthe world" Woolf sought to exploit among her contemporaryreadership through the deployment of these photographs. (13)

Woolf's only extant reference to the photographs, a diaryentry from February 1932 in which she notes having "collectedenough powder to blow up St. Paul's. It is to have 4 pictures"(D4 77), makes clear that their primary attraction for her lay in their"explosive," rather than comedic, potential. In addition todemonstrating that descriptive labels would have been unnecessary for acontemporary audience, letters that Woolf received from variouscorrespondents following the publication of Three Guineas suggest thatany comic effect generated by the photos had been produced as a resultof their highly specific, rather than purportedly "generic,"nature. Alfred Sayers, for example, commented on Woolf's inclusionof "LCJ, Head of Church, Baldwin at their best--a realtriumph!" (qtd. in Snaith, "Wide Circles" 33), while RayStrachey commended her for "pulverizing imbeciles in highplaces" (23). And while some respondents commented on the hilarityof the photographs, such as Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, who applaudedthem as "a work of genius--simply delicious" (64), JudithStephen, who called them "delightful" (24), and anothercorrespondent, who hailed them "a perfect scream" (65), manyothers recognized their subversive, "explosive" potential:Nelly Cecil, for one, regarded the photos as "too amusing anddeadly" (35), while a second correspondent referred to them as"dangerous stuff. Inflammable material ... [to] rekindle suppressedand smouldering fires" (73). A review in the feminist journal Timeand Tide likewise attributed the work's subversiveness to itsphotographs, remarking how "there are faces that should remainbehind a veil ... and she has dragged the veil away. A terrible sight.Indecent, almost obscene" (qtd. in Marcus, "No MoreHorses" 286, note 12). The responses of Woolf's contemporariesreveal their acute and immediate appreciation for how, by engineeringsuch "an obvious titular effacement of these well-known men,"Woolf was not merely "engaging in subversion," but"flirt[ing] with sedition" (Staveley 5).

The era's widespread curtailment of civil liberties may haveprovided the impetus for Woolf's turn to documentary photography asa form of cultural critique. Her position as a pacifist author andpublisher, and as a champion of civil liberties, had familiarized herwith the dangers attached to vociferous speech of the anti-patriarchal,anti-imperialist, and anti-militarist varieties. (14) As Celia Marshikargues in British Modernism and Censorship, ownership of the HogarthPress had heightened the Woolfs' cautiousness about what, and whom,to publish, virtually rendering it "a panopticon wherein ... [they]were forced to police themselves" (11). Of particular relevance tothe Woolfs in this regard was the swelter of controversy--"a majorpolitical storm" (Street 216)--surrounding the drafting of theIncitement to Disaffection Bill in 1934, which Leonard would activelyprotest. (15) The bill was a supplement to the Incitement to Mutiny Actof 1797 that had been drafted in the wake of two mutinies at Nore andInvergordon, hastened by fears that a revolution like that of the Frenchmight spread to Britain (Street 215). The original Mutiny Act allowedfor the prosecution of those who

[m]aliciously and advisedly endeavour to seduce any Person orPersons serving in His Majesty's Forces, by Sea or Land, from hisor their Duty and Allegiance to His Majesty, or to incite or stir up anysuch Person or Persons to commit any Act of Mutiny, or to make, orendeavour to make, any mutinous Assembly, or to commit any traitorous ormutinous Practice whatsoever. (MacColl and Wells 354)

Several changes to the wording of the bill in 1934 threatened toexpand Government control over civil liberties, emendations ofparticular consequence to pacifists and publishers of pacifistmaterials: the change from "duty and allegiance" to "dutyor allegiance," in particular, was regarded by many as"expressly directed against pacifist propaganda, which would notendeavour to seduce a man from singing 'God Save the King'(that is, 'allegiance'), but would endeavour to seduce himfrom dropping bombs on a town in an enemy country (that is,'duty')" (MacColl and Wells 355). The second change madeit an offense to possess any document the dissemination of which couldfoment rebellion or mutiny among service members, while a third wouldexpand prosecutable offenses to include "preparations" (ratherthan "attempts") to seduce (ibid.). As many had feared, theselegislative changes resulted in increased censorship of works,particularly those espousing an antiwar perspective. Woolf'sdeployment of photographs as a form of "visual shorthand"ensured the protection of her readers, whose mere possession of a moreverbally explicit work would have left them open to prosecution underthis revised bill. Moreover, this strategy allowed her to protectherself: had Woolf voiced her indictments of the particular leaders ofChurch and State, rather than picturing them "like police postersof the enemies of society" (Marcus, "Thinking Back" 6),she would have left herself vulnerable to charges of seditious libel,defined under British Common Law at the time as

The expression in some permanent form of opinions made "withan intention to bring into hatred or contempt, or to excite disaffectionagainst the King or the government and constitution of the UnitedKingdom as by law established, or either House of Parliament, or theadministration of justice, or to excite British subjects to attemptotherwise than by lawful means the alteration of any matter in Church orState by law established, or to promote feelings of ill will andhostility between different classes. (O'Higgins 34)

The exceedingly broad terms of this definition made it a veritable"catch-all" for even the mildest forms of dissident speech,enabling it to be "interpreted in such a way that it could catchalmost any criticism of the established institutions of society"(O'Higgins 34) during this time--a fact that underscores thepotential risk that Woolf managed to circumvent through her strategicincorporation of documentary photographs.

That Three Guineas was written in the midst of the nation'sheightened sensitivity to its imperial decline, and of increasinganti-British sentiment on the Continent, only would have exacerbated hersusceptibility to such charges, given that the text directly violatedthe dictates of the era's massive, government-sponsored nationalself-marketing program, which aimed to promote a positive image ofBritain abroad (Taylor 127). The seminal text on the dissemination ofpro-British propaganda, "The Projection of England,"established the guidelines for "projecting] upon the screen ofworld opinion ... a picture of herself capable of restoring confidencein the modern British empire: of the "national institutions andvirtues" deemed fitting for projection are included "TheMonarchy," "Parliamentary Institutions," "TheBritish Navy," "In national affairs--a tradition of justice,law and order," and "Oxford and St. Andrews" (Tallents14-15). These mandates were consistent with those in place for thecinema during this period, compliance with which was overseen by theBritish Board of Film Censors, which ensured

[t]hat the film industry depicted only a positive view of Britainfor overseas consumption and an uncontroversial one for domesticaudiences. Controversial politics, disparagement of public figures andinstitutions, particularly royalty, or anything likely to encouragedisloyalty among native peoples in the Empire or otherwise bring Britishprestige into disrepute were all banned. (MacKenzie 78)

As the heart of "controversial politics," filmspossessing pacifist content were especially susceptible to censorship.Among the subjects banned in films were "the portrayal of royalty,judges, Ministers or high officials in an unbecoming or undignifiedmanner; no living individual was to be lampooned, or public charactersand institutions disparaged" (MacKenzie 77-78). Similar constraintsgoverned theatre in the thirties: the Lord Chamberlain was authorized torefuse licensing of plays that he deemed "to represent on the stagein an invidious manner a living person, or any person recentlydead," "to do violence to the sentiment of religiousreverence," or "to be calculated to cause a breach of thepeace" (Shellard and Nicolson 63). (16) Situating Woolf'spacifist polemic within the broader context of prohibitions againstinflammatory artistic productions during the interwar period invites usto speculate as to the eminently practical considerations that may haveinformed her decision to deploy photographs in this work. Such aperspective allows us to acknowledge the exceeding importance of theseparticular subjects to Woolf's argument and the complex discursiveand ideological fields that they were, and are, and will be, capable ofsignifying to Woolf's readers.

II About Face

Sir Robert Baden-Powell, "The Hero of Mafeking" and"The Chief Scout"

Unlike the book's other photographic subjects, neither namenor title of Sir Robert Baden-Powell is referenced in the text of ThreeGuineas. In its stead are generic place markers: a reference to"dragoons" here (66) and fine-looking horses and cavalrysoldiers there (10), with a tip of the hat to general officers added forgood measure:

Great-grandfathers, grandfathers, fathers, uncles--they all wentthat way, wearing their gowns, wearing their wigs, some with ribbonsacross their breasts, others without. One was a bishop. Another a judge.One was an admiral. Another a general. One was a professor. Another adoctor. (TG 74)

However, the book's incisive commentary on the seductive lureof military uniforms, ceremonies, and pageantry to induce young men tobecome soldiers directly evokes Sir Robert Baden-Powell'scontroversial paramilitary Scouting movement and the imperialist andmilitarist discourses surrounding it throughout its history. Central toWoolf's pacifist critique in Three Guineas is her staunchrefutation of an essentialist view of masculinity: from the openingincantation of Wilfred Owen's poetry to the closing invocation ofPrince Hubertus Lowenstein's lines--"it is not true to saythat every boy at heart longs for war. It is only other people who teachit to us by giving us swords and guns, soldiers and uniforms to playwith"--it is a social constructivist position that frames the textand most directly indicts Baden-Powell's Scouting movement (qtd. inTG 221). The "splendour" of military uniforms, she writes,"is invented partly in order to impress the beholder with themajesty of the military office, partly in order through their vanity toinduce young men to become soldiers" (27). In Three Guineas and thelater "Thoughts on Peace in an Air Raid" (1940), Woolf willargue that an antidote to this inducement is women's indifference,since "it is far harder for human beings to take action when otherpeople are indifferent and allow them complete freedom of action, thanwhen their actions are made the centre of excited emotion" (129).Woolf's use of a child to exemplify this phenomenon is particularlysuggestive in light of her views on children's susceptibility toexternal influence: "The small boy struts and trumpets outside thewindow: implore him to stop; he goes on; say nothing; he stops"(ibid.).

A diary entry dated June 18, 1927 reveals Woolf's criticism ofthe parading scouts she saw during a trip to Hyde Park. "The churchboys [the Church Lads' Brigade] were marching; officers on horsesin their cloaks like equestrian statues," she observed."Always this kind of scene gives me the notion of human beingsplaying a game, greatly, I suppose, to their own satisfaction" (D3139). The editorial note reveals Woolf's subject to be a processionof 6,000 members of the Church Lads' Brigade, who marched fromWellington and Chelsea Barracks to the parade ground near the MarbleArch, where they were to be inspected by the Prince of Wales. (17) Inaddition to revealing Woolf's distaste for such military pageantry,her comments suggest a provocative collapsing of the boundaries betweenmilitary officers and scouts, and between living soldiers and statuary,her invocation of the latter calling to mind the cloaked equestrianstatue of the Duke of Cambridge, former Commander-in-Chief of theBritish Army (1856-95), located immediately adjacent to Horse Guardsparade.

The name and image of Robert Stephenson Smyth Baden-Powell, firstBaron Baden-Powell, the much-celebrated "hero of Mafeking" andfounder of the Boy Scouts and Girl Guides, were well known toWoolf's readers. Best known for having protected the vulnerableborder town of Mafeking from Boer attack for 219 days during the BoerWar (Warren, "Robert" 114), Baden-Powell was elevated to"demigod" status, and his image given a place in MadameTussaud's wax museum, after the British had secured a victory(Rosenthal 30-31). By 1918, Baden-Powell's Scouts and Guides hadbecome "established features of national life in Britain and theempire, and, with variations, throughout the world" (Warren,"Robert" 116) while the spectacle of pageantry associated withScouting during the 1920s ensured that "Baden-Powell loomed farlarger in the public imagination than he had previously," winninghim a baronetcy in 1922 (Jeal 511, 512). His reputation was so wellestablished by 1924 that biographer Eileen Wade did not consider it anexaggeration to describe him as a man "destined to have perhapsmore widely reaching effect than that of any man since the founder ofChristianity" (qtd. in Rosenthal 15). By 1937, nearly three millionScouts existed in 49 countries worldwide and, upon his death in 1941, hewas "lauded as a figure of global significance, having founded thetwo largest youth organizations in the world" (Warren,"Robert" 117). His influence would extend well beyond his owntime: Scouting attracted a membership of 350,000,000 males from itsinception in 1908 to the present day (Daniels 22), and his Scoutingmanual, Scouting for Boys, sold "more copies worldwide than almostany other text, excluding the Bible" (Warren, "Robert"115). (18)

Baden-Powell's critical role in the British victory over theBoers firmly associated him in the popular cultural imagination with abrand of imperial prowess then in decline. The period was characterizedby an acute, persistent national anxiety over the strength of the Empireand the quality of British soldiers brought on in part by Britain'slackluster performance in the Boer War and exacerbated by General J. F.Maurice's 1902 statement alleging that the British race had sodeteriorated that it could no longer produce men capable of serving assoldiers (Ross 198-200). (19) Given that "Victorian standards ofmanliness [were] thought crucial for colonial order" (Enloe 48),the perception of a declining masculinity among soldiers became causefor national concern. Despite later attempts to divorce Scouting fromits military roots, Baden-Powell conceded that the Scoutingmovement's emphasis on physical education was a direct response torecruiting statistics that "show that an appallingly largeproportion of our manhood is classed as C 3--medically unfit," ashe wrote in a Times article in 1937 ("Lest We Run").Inculcating in British youth the skills and qualities deemed essentialto the preservation of the Empire, "Scouting and Guiding emerged asparticularly potent imperial movements" (Proctor 606) designed tohelp consolidate imperial power. As Baden-Powell had secured the town ofMafeking during the Boer War, so would his Boy Scouts and Girl Guidessecure the safety of England and protect the interests of her Empire.

The Boy Scouts and Girl Guides were established upon the premisethat participation in group activities, adherence to a strong moral andspiritual code, and the cultivation of a sense of brotherhood couldcreate happier individuals and better citizens (Warren,"Robert" 117). Rather predictably, gender would play a centralrole in defining the very terms of that citizenship. Scouting thusemphasized the necessity for chivalry and bravery among boys, and thedesirable aim of "breed[ing] manly men" ("Peace Aim ofScouting"), while Guiding emphasized girls' future roles aswives and mothers, and framed their participation in the preservation ofthe Empire in terms of the production of healthy children. For Woolf,this gendered vision of citizenship would have called to mindMussolini's notion of "two worlds in the life of the nation,the world of men and the world of women" (qtd. in TG 213), asubject of considerable concern to her. (20)

Woolf's contemporaries, particularly those on the Left, easilyrecognized the paramilitary nature of the organization, which had beenfounded and was administered by military personnel and which had itsorigins in an imperial cadet corps and police force. (21) To theseshould be added its indebtedness to certain military conventions andtraditions, including an emphasis on honor, the use of badges todistinguish rank and achievement, the grouping of individuals into smallunits or troops, the use of uniforms, and an emphasis on skills drawnfrom the battle ground, including scouting and reconnaissance. (22)Moreover, the organization has its origins in the Mafeking Cadet Corpsand the South African Constabulary (SAC). The former was comprised ofboys from ages nine and up who would perform various duties intown--carrying messages, acting as orderlies, delivering mail, andserving as look-outs--thus freeing up the town's men for theirmilitary activities (Rosenthal 53). Scouting for Boys (1908) makes clearthat these cadets served as exemplars of the kind of defensive servicethat Boy Scouts might be called upon to render in future conflicts(Rosenthal 162-63). Not coincidentally, the skills to be learned inScouting were precisely those required for national defense: thus"every boy ought to learn how to shoot and obey orders, else he isno more good when war breaks out than an old woman" (qtd. inRosenthal 162). As one historian observes, the South AfricanConstabulary--"the world's largest mounted police force,"which, by 1902, had become "a force of imperialcontrol"--served as "the testing ground for many ideas laterused in the Scouts and Guides" and as inspiration forScouting's use of awards and medals, its moral code of honor, itsuniform (it was SAC constables who first wore the trademark khaki shortsand shirts and Stetson hats associated with Boy Scouts), and its motto,"Be Prepared"--the initials of which are Baden-Powell'sown (Proctor 608). (23)

The image of a militaristic organization was further promoted bythe highly publicized military connections of its leaders. In 1910, 140of the movement's 250 Presidents and Commissioners could beclassified as either active or retired military officers, a number thathad increased to 247 out of 352 by 1912 (Springhall, Youth 128; qtd. inRosenthal 206). Chief among them was Sir Robert Baden-Powell, whosemilitary exploits read like a list of imperial conquests. Much of whatsuccessfully associated Scouting with militarism in the popularimagination, however, was the fact that

The outward and visible signs of Scouting were military: Scoutswere organized in troops, and sub-divided into patrols; they woreuniforms, had parades, and did a little drill, they were led byofficers, scoutmasters, patrol leaders, corporals.... Scouts'activities were also often military: they practised signaling, carrieddispatches, went on trek, posted sentries around camp, and fought mockbattles. (MacDonald 186-87)

Scouts were frequently referred to within the Press asBaden-Powell's "Model Army," while their image oftenappeared in advertisem*nts, cigarette cards, picture books, paintings,and war posters in a military context, or accompanied by a militarycaption (MacDonald 188, 188-202). It must have outraged Woolf to learnthat Baden-Powell had been selected as recipient of the 1937 WatelerPeace Prize, granted to the individual "who had rendered the mostvaluable services to the cause of peace or had contributed to findingmeans of combating war" ("Wateler PeacePrize")--particularly in light of her views, discussed above, ofhow such "outward and visible signs" of militarism could leaddirectly to war.

The popular association of Scouting with militarism and patriotismwas only further cemented through the Boy Scouts' visibleinvolvement in the Great War. The war provided Scouts an opportunity todemonstrate their willingness to "[make] themselves into fine,reliable men, ready to take the place of those who have gone away tofight and who have fallen at the Front" (Baden-Powell, YoungKnights 13). Recognizing that "a war requiring mobilization of thenation's resources created opportunities for trained civilianwar-service by boys and girls" (Warren, "Robert" 116),Baden-Powell offered the Scouts' services to the government priorto the outbreak of war, and their help was enlisted in protectingcommunications lines and "coast watching" (Jeal 450). Inaddition to assisting the Coast Guard, Scouts were also active inguarding telephone and telegraph lines and railway bridges, carryingmessages, and acting as wounded soldiers for VAD nurses in training(MacDonald 199). Trained in "cunning and unobtrusive" methods,it was argued that Boy Scouts could make themselves "essential tothe war effort" since they could "act as gatherers ofintelligence about enemy movements, and as message bearers across enemylines" (Daniels 25). For their service on the home front duringwartime, Scouts could even earn a "war service badge" forperforming twenty-eight days of voluntary service (Rosenthal 228). TheGreat War also saw the founding of Baden-Powell's Scout DefenseCorps, whose aim was to provide Scouts aged fifteen to seventeen withadvanced training in shooting, signaling, entrenching, and basicinfantry techniques, and for which training they would receive a redfeather to be worn on their hats (ibid.). Scouts' contributions tothe war effort were widely recognized; they received accolades fromPrime Minister David Lloyd George and even had a chapter written abouttheir heroic efforts in The Times History of the War (Jeal 456;MacDonald 201-2).

Scouts' service to the Empire virtually ensured that themovement would come to signify patriotism and nationalism and "thenational symbols of the flag, the King, and Britannia" (MacDonald195), an association strengthened by the well-publicized support theyreceived from prominent politicians and members of the royal family.Among their supporters were the King, the Prince of Wales, theArchbishops of Canterbury, York, and Westminster, the Lord ChiefJustice, Kitchener, and the Lord Mayor of London (MacDonald 196).

A letter from Woolf to Ottoline Morrell reveals her own associationof Scouting with nationalism and organized religion: "I must breakoff, chiefly owing to the Boy Scouts who have camped in our field..." she writes. "They have a Union Jack, and go to Church. Iwish one liked these things naturally" (L2 542). Woolf'sreference to her inability to "naturally" like either onereiterates her view of militarism as a product of social conditioning,extending that logic to religion as well. Woolf was impatient with theready collapsing of distinctions between God and Empire, repudiating theeasy association made between the two on numerous occasions. (24) Shewould expose the institutionalization of this practice in Three Guineas,going so far as to expose the Church of England as a politicalinstrument complicit in the perpetuation of war and the persecution ofpacifists, a damning indictment that is evoked largely through thetext's image of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Cosmo Gordon Lang.(25)

"The Voice of England": William Cosmo Gordon Lang,Archbishop of Canterbury (26)

In 1928, then Archbishop of York William Cosmo Gordon Lang assumedthe highest religious position in the Church of England, becoming the95th Archbishop of Canterbury and "the foremost representative ofChristianity in England" (Ollard, Crosse, and Bond 321). Lang wasto hold this position longer than any other Archbishop of Canterbury inthe twentieth century, resigning only in 1942. His tenure, however, wasdistinguished by more than its exceptional length: his talents as aspeaker, combined with the technological advances of radio broadcastingand an active involvement in matters of church and state, made him botha highly visible and highly audible figure in thirties' England.During his lifetime it was said that "the name of the Archbishop ofCanterbury is to-day a household word throughout the inhabitedglobe" (Wilkinson 459).

That several events of great national and religious significancetook place during his tenure no doubt added to his visibility: theseincluded the 1930 Lambeth Conference, the death of King George V, theabdication of King Edward VIII, the coronation of King George VI, therise of fascism, and the beginnings of the Second World War. He hadclose, well-publicized connections with monarchs and statesmen alike andhis reputation as a public figure of national importance perhaps equaledthat of his reputation as a religious one. His entry in the OxfordDictionary of National Biography attributes much of his visibility inthe thirties to such public roles, noting how "His bell-like voiceat the coronation had become familiar through film and wireless. He hadclose relationships with public figures, including Baldwin, Chamberlain,and Halifax. But it was above all his involvement in internationalquestions and royal affairs which made him well known to thepublic" (Wilkinson 459). When King George V died, Lang presidedover the funeral ceremony and it was his voice that was "clearlyheard throughout the world" (Lockhart 395); when Edward VIIIabdicated the throne, it was again Lang whose broadcast Baldwin claimedrepresented "the voice of England"; and when George VI becameKing, it was Lang who "produced" and officiated at hiscoronation. (27)

Of the many faces that Lang appeared capable of conjuring, however,"it was the proud, pompous prelate that, by the thirties, appearedto the world to have long prevailed" (Hastings 250). Thisimpression was only strengthened when, on 13 December 1936, he made aradio broadcast on the abdication of King Edward VIII which wasperceived by many as being highly critical of Edward, "like kickinga man when he was down" (Wilkinson 460). Despite StanleyBaldwin's assertion that Lang had spoken the "voice ofEngland" in his broadcast, "such emotional moralizing at amoment when everyone felt bruised and in need of silence was far toohistrionic to be the voice of England, too judgmental to beauthentically Christian" (Hastings 248). This speech, moreover,left the nation with the impression that Lang had played a far moresignificant role than was the case in getting King Edward to abdicate,thereby igniting animosity in the hearts of many Britons, who booed himwhen he arrived at Downing Street to visit Baldwin on December 6, 1936(Wilkinson 460). He acquired a reputation for having a"prelatical" side and a "weakness for people of rank orimportance" (Lockhart 328), and his personality was said to combine"unctuousness with snobbery in a way that left a bad taste in manypeople's mouths" (Hastings 251).

The Archbishop's love of ceremony and elaborate costumes,along with his important social connections, were well known to thepublic: he was the first Archbishop of Canterbury since the time of theReformation to wear cope and mitre (Lockhart 315; Ollard, Cross, andBond 321-2) and the first to standardize the cope as "normalliturgical dress for bishops and archbishops" (Hylson-Smith 273).Among church historians, Lang is known for having"catholicized" the Church of England by implementingceremonial changes known as the "Six Points," which introducedthe wearing of Eucharistic vestments, the lighting of candles on thealtar, the use of wafers rather than bread for Communion, the eastwardpositioning of the celebrant, the ceremonial mixing of water and wine inthe chalice, and the use of incense (ibid.). In light of these facts, itis significant that the Archbishop makes his appearance in Three Guineaswearing "full canonicals" and presiding over an elaborateceremony involving the Lord Mayor, "with turtles and sheriffs inattendance, tapping nine times with his mace upon a stone" (120).(28) Woolf's scrapbooks contain additional verbal and visualillustration of religious finery, including a photograph of the Pope onhis throne (MHP B16.f, Vol. 2: 44) and a typewritten description of achurch service at St. Paul's, in which she remarks on thecanon's sermon, on "tradesmen who deal in the paraphernalia ofreligion," that this is "true of the canon" as well, who,she observes, is wearing "different hood, red bands. Some havesatin or plush" (MHP B16.f, Vol. 2: 55).

Lang presided over two particular events that revealed his affinityfor ceremony, ritual, and pageantry: his "enthronement" asArchbishop of Canterbury and the coronation ceremony of King George VI.(29) "Delight[ing] in the ancient rites of Church and State,"Lang's orchestration of, and officiation at, George Vl'scoronation ceremony won the attention of the nation (Ollard, Cross, andBond 321-2). After eight rehearsals in Westminster Abbey, the coronationtook place on May 12, 1937, the first ever to be filmed and radiobroadcast (Lockhart 414). Lang noted afterward that some said truthfullythat he had "produced" the coronation, and reflected as to"whether any event in history has ever been so realised throughoutthe whole world" (Lockhart 415, 421). Observing Britons'declining interest in the church, Lang regarded the coronation as anopportunity to wed church and state and even masterminded anevangelistic campaign, "A Recall to Religion," to coincidewith it, asking people to "dedicate themselves with their King tothe service of God and their country" (Lockhart 398). Woolf'scomments in her scrapbook on the canon's sermon record, intelegraphic shorthand, the archbishop's message:

Primate's message. Whither are we going? Losing or holding thefoundations of our nations [sic] life. Our blessins [sic] (money) dependon touch with him. all together must fight for the soul of England. Whatcan we do? Primate says you each one can be a link in the chain thatbinds England to God. So simple. Pray habitually; open the mind daily,public worship on Sunday through the ennobling and enabling power ofJesus be a link that binds. (MHP B16.f, Vol. 2: 55-56)

Despite Woolf's notoriously poor typing, her impressions ofthe sermon, and the archbishop's message, are fairly clear:"Mere fulsome and filthy playactoring feeble rhetoric," shecommented. (30)

The church's intransigent position on the subject ofwomen's ordination and the historic role played by the church inwomen's personal and public subordination to men, however, form thetwo heads of the large bone that Woolf wanted to "pick" withLang in Three Guineas. The church's position on women'sministry was made public in a series of published reports that emergedfrom the Lambeth Conferences of 1920 and 1930 and from the subsequentcommittee appointed by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York to"'examine any theological or other relevant principles whichhave governed or ought to govern the Church in the development of theMinistry of Women'" (qtd. in TG 143). While the 1930 LambethConference can be said to have taken a remarkably progressive (and wellpublicized) position on contraception, it simultaneously reassertedmarriage laws and restricted women's capacity to serve within theChurch of England (Lockhart 349-50, 398). Moreover, the report producedby the 1930 Conference included a long paragraph detailing thetheological grounds for objections to women's admission to thepriesthood; while recommending that women's role in the church beenlarged, it simultaneously restricted their role to that of deaconessesrather than increasing their rights and privileges (Lockhart 347, 352).Church historians identify the 1930 Lambeth Conference as having dealt"a severe blow" to women (Petre 25) for reasons that stem fromthe decade's previous Conference, when the preparatory committeehad determined the order of deaconess to be a holy order, with theresult that many women ordained in the twenties had believed themselvesto be receiving holy orders (ibid.). Further confusion resulted from thecommittee's ambiguity as to the actual role of deaconesses withinthe church: while they were allowed to "lead in prayer" and"instruct and exhort the congregation" with the permission ofthe bishop, they were not permitted to read from the gospel or to assistwith the chalice, as these tasks were reserved explicitly for maledeacons. Seeking to clarify this confusion, the 1930 Lambeth Conferencedeclared deaconesses to be "outside the historic order of theministry," a move that would effectively disenfranchise women inthe church. (31)

Woolf's discussion of this historic debate over women'sexclusion from the ministry is rooted in her arguments about theprofessionalization of the priesthood. She is careful to point out thatin the early church, the priesthood "was originally open to anyonewho had received the gift of prophecy. No training was needed; theprofessional requirements were simple in the extreme--a voice and amarket-place, a pen and paper" (TG 146-7). She goes on to show howthe resulting professionalization of the priesthood would ensure the"extinction" of prophetesses, the erasure of their existencefrom religious history books, and the eradication of any further rolefor women as paid ministers of the church. Several clippings inWoolf's scrapbooks pertain directly to her argument: one about ameeting of the Anglican Group for the Ordination of Women, at which"custom" was identified as the sole "barrier to theadmission of women to the ministry" and another in whichclergymen's wives are referred to as "the unpaid curates ofthe Church" (MHP B16.f, Vol. 3: 49, 48).

The recently published findings of the third Commission would formthe foundation of Woolf's arguments as to the existence of both a"money motive" for the exclusion of women from the priesthoodand the existence of an "infantile fixation" among its maleleaders. Her intensive analysis of the Report of the Archbishops'Commission on the Ministry of Women yields extensive evidence of thelengths to which church leaders and committee members would go--inblatant disregard for the teachings of the New Testament and thetraditions of the early church--in order to attempt to justify theirexclusion of women and thereby secure their own status and livelihood.Woolf viewed women's exclusion from "that profession which,since it is the highest of all, may be taken as the type of all, theprofession of religion" (143) as emblematic of women's broaderexclusion from the professions, including "the priesthood ofmedicine or the priesthood of science" (151-52).

Women's exclusion from the priesthood exemplified themachinations of the "infantile fixation" at work in the world:"'Miss' may carry with it ... the savour of scent orother odour perceptible to the nose on the further side of the partitionand obnoxious to it. What charms and consoles in the private house maydistract and exacerbate in the public office. The Archbishops'Commission assures us that this is so in the pulpit" (62). Asproof, she supplies the conclusion of the Archbishops' Commissionthat "it would be impossible for the male members of the averageAnglican congregation to be present at a service at which a womanministered without becoming unduly conscious of her sex" (191) andtheir conclusion that "the general mind of the Church is still inaccord with the continuous tradition of a male priesthood" (148).(32)

Women's exclusion from the profession of the priesthood callsto Woolf's mind, and to the reader's attention, a furtherwrong committed by that body in the past: for "the influence ofreligion upon women's education, one way or another, can scarcelybe overestimated," she writes (180). Citing the biographies of MaryAstell and Mary Butts, Woolf recounts the church's active effortsin centuries past to intervene in the education of women, both byobstructing the founding of women's colleges and by espousing theview that "desire for learning in woman was against the will ofGod" (ibid.). She goes on to show that the scriptural basis for thechurch's exclusion of women in the past--St. Paul's view ofchastity as expressed in his Letter to the Corinthians--remains thebasis upon which women continue to be excluded from educationalopportunities. In what is surely one of the text's most dramaticmoments, she connects the figure of Paul--and with him the whole of thechurch's authority--with the figure of fascism, remarking how"he was of the virile or dominant type, so familiar at present inGermany, for whose gratification a subject race or sex isessential" (198).

Stanley Baldwin, "The Most Respected Figure in British PublicLife" (33)

Stanley Baldwin, leader of the Conservative party from 1923 to 1937and Prime Minister in 1923-24, 1924-29, and 1935-37, appears frequentlythroughout the text of Three Guineas. That Baldwin is referred to inWoolf's essay "This is the House of Commons" as "acountry gentleman poking pigs" (59) invites us to imagine him,along with Maynard Keynes, as a potential source of inspiration forWoolf's correspondent in Three Guineas, who, "instead ofturning on your pillow and prodding your pigs," is "writingletters, attending meetings, presiding over this and that, askingquestions, with the sound of the guns in your ears" (6). (34) Thetext of Three Guineas is laced with evidence of Baldwin'sactivities during the thirties, which included writing letters to TheTimes soliciting funds for Newnham College; hosting meetings at 10Downing Street for the same cause; and delivering speeches and radiobroadcasts on subjects as diverse as universities, women'sprofessions, the British Empire, and fascism. Woolf'scorrespondent, we are told, "began.... [his] education at one ofthe great public schools and finished it at the university"(ibid.)--a detail that further aligns him with Stanley Baldwin, whoattended Harrow and Cambridge, and who assumed the Chancellorship ofCambridge University in 1930 (Middlemas and Barnes 574). Including aphotograph of Baldwin in his capacity as Chancellor allows Woolf togesture toward the pageantry and ceremony central to these institutionsand to invoke contemporary discourses regarding educational andprofessional opportunities for women, imperial decline, and the fascistthreat to democracy.

Given that most citizens "could only 'know' andrespond to political leaders through their constructed and projectedpublic characters, especially as revealed by speeches and mediapresentation," and since "politicians are what they speak andpublish" (Williamson, Conservative 15), Baldwin's publiccharacter was largely established through the image he projected in hisspeeches and addresses, many of which were delivered via radio broadcastand reprinted verbatim in national, local, and organizationalnewspapers, or printed as pamphlets (Williamson, Conservative 154). (35)The advent of radio broadcasting during this time meant, furthermore,that in contrast to Lloyd George and Bonar Law, "the personalitiesof Baldwin and MacDonald, as matters of public interest and inquiry,probably occupied the time and readership of the electorate more thanany since Gladstone and Disraeli in the infancy of the modern politicalsystem" (Middlemas and Barnes 479). (36) Thus, during the GeneralStrike of 1926, "the first occasion in Britain when a nationalcrisis was acted out on the radio," Woolf would record in writingthose features of his speech that she connected with the presence of anincreasingly violent "male political authority" within thegovernment (Lee, Virginia Woolf 534-5):

Baldwin broadcast last night: he rolls his rs; tries to put morethan mortal strength into his words. "Have faith in me. You electedme 18 months ago. What have I done to forfeit your confidence? Can younot trust me to see justice done between man & man?" Impressiveas it is to hear the voice of the Prime Minister, descendant of Pitt& Chatham, still I can't heat my reverence up to the rightpitch. I picture the stalwart oppressed man, bearing the world on hisshoulders. And suddenly his self assertiveness becomes a littleridiculous. He becomes megalomaniac. No I don't trust him: Idon't trust any human being, however loud they bellow & rolltheir rs. (D3 81)

In addition to her gifts of mimicry and wit, one recognizes in thiscriticism her view of men's public speech as a form of game playingor posturing involving the use of excessive verbal force: here, Baldwinexemplifies that "monstrous male, loud of voice, hard of fist,childishly intent upon scoring the floor of the earth with chalkmarks" (TG 125). The connection between such acts of speech and thewarlike preparations being made by Baldwin's government in responseto the General Strike would have been readily apparent to Woolf, andfurther illustration of the inseparability of the private and publicrealms. (37)

Woolf's arguments regarding women's educationalopportunities often give the appearance of having been composed indirect conversation with Baldwin himself. Her attention to thesacrifices made by the daughters of educated men on behalf of theirbrothers' education can be read as a feminist revision ofBaldwin's view of University history. Absent from his publicremarks on University members' debts to their predecessors, forexample, is any mention of their indebtedness to their sisters, mothers,and grandmothers:

Great have been your privileges; learning, old and new, has beenyours to grasp and you have unconsciously been drinking in thetraditions of the ages and breathing the influence of centuries of highendeavour. On you above all of your generation, on you, members of theuniversities, it rests to repay, as far as you are able, and each in hisvocation the debt you owe to those who have gone before you, and who, bytheir piety and forethought, made it possible for you to obtain theseblessings. You go out into all the world--in the Church, in Medicine,and in Law, in the Civil Service of this country, of India, and of theColonies, in a hundred trades and businesses. And wherever you go youwill influence your fellows because of your sojourn here. ("Freedomand Discipline" 285)

Here, of course, are the central themes of the first chapter ofThree Guineas: how access to such tradition, influence, and privilege isextended to the sons of educated men, but refused the daughters ofeducated men; how such benefits are obtained at the expense of thosesame daughters; and how educational opportunity leads directly toprofessional opportunity, wealth, and influence.

The "fabulous proportions" (33) of the incomes of Oxfordand Cambridge, detailed in several places throughout Three Guineas,serve as a stark reminder of the financial destitution of women'scolleges, whose treasurers relied on public fundraising appeals to raisemoney for the renovation and expansion of their facilities. Woolf'sscrapbooks abound with evidence of her interest in the contrasting stateof financial affairs at men's and women's colleges, oftenpositioned in close proximity to one another. (38) In contrast withmen's colleges, women's colleges suffered doubly from therelative poverty of their alumni: "The old students are supportingtheir college generously," one such solicitation letter fromNewnham College ran, "but they are not themselves wealthy"("Newnham College" 10). In his position as Chancellor ofCambridge, Baldwin was involved actively in soliciting much-needed fundsfor both Girton and Newnham College ("Women at Cambridge";"Newnham College"), including the campaign spearheaded byWoolf's friend and Principal of Newnham, Pernel Strachey.Strachey's letter of February 1936, included among Woolf'sscrapbooks (MHP B16.f, Vol. 2: 7), would serve as the real-life basisfor the "fictional" letter from an honorary treasurer"asking for money with which to rebuild her college" in ThreeGuineas (39). The poverty of women's colleges, women'sexclusion from the public sphere, and the perpetuation of war areconjoined in this letter, which announces a meeting to discussNewnham's fundraising campaign to be held at the center of Britishpolitical life: "the Prime Minister, who is also Chancellor of theUniversity of Cambridge, has most kindly consented to arrange for aMeeting concerned with the needs of Newnham College to be held under hisChairmanship at 10, Downing Street on March 31st" (MHP B16.f, Vol.2: 7).

A footnote to Three Guineas directing the reader to "compareMr. Baldwin at Downing St. (March 31st, 1936.)" (181) drawsattention to Baldwin's advocacy of women's education and theiremployment in the Civil Service. (39) The comparison Woolf prompts thereader to make here is with Walter Bagehot, who had refused EmilyDavies's request to assist in the founding of Girton College andwho supported women's employment only "as labourers or inother menial capacity" (ibid.). Baldwin's comments supportingwomen's employment in the Civil Service also form the rhetoricalcenterpiece of the mock trial of Baldwin v. Whitaker staged by Woolf inthe second chapter of the book. She uses his personal testimony as towomen's "industry, capacity, ability and loyalty" (60) inthe Civil Service profession to disprove her conjecture that theeconomic disparity in men's and women's earning potentials maybe due to some deficiency on women's part: "it may be, tospeak bluntly, that the daughters are in themselves deficient; that theyhave proved themselves untrustworthy; unsatisfactory; so lacking in thenecessary abilities that it is to the public interest to keep them tothe lower grades" or that they are intellectually inferior to men(59). Woolf uses the evidence supplied by Baldwin's personaltestimony to contrast the reality of women's ability with thereality of how they continue to be treated by their brothers, adistinction that demonstrates the persistence of the separate spheresdoctrine and the existence of the "infantile fixation." Since"both boards and divisions transmit human sympathies, and reflecthuman antipathies," it is "quite possible that the name'Miss' transmits through the board or division some vibrationwhich is not registered in the examination room. 'Miss'transmits sex; and sex may carry with it an aroma" (62). Theexistence of this aroma "allows us to decide in the case of Baldwinv. Whitaker that both the Prime Minister and the Almanack are tellingthe truth. It is true that women civil servants deserve to be paid asmuch as men; but it is also true that they are not paid as much asmen" (64).

The advent of imperial radio broadcasts and frequent imperial"gatherings" in the thirties meant that, by 1937, Baldwin"was regarded in the Dominions as well as Britain as the foremostimperial statesman of his time" (Williamson, Conservative 260;italics in original). That Woolf regarded him in much the same way issuggested by her decision to include in her scrapbooks a newspaperclipping detailing his final speech as Prime Minister on the occasion ofthe Empire Day and Coronation banquet, in which he "revealed hisintense personal faith in the triumph of its [the Empire's]ideals" (MHP B16.f, Vol. 3: 7). His speeches regularly evokedcelebratory images of a unified, patriarchal Empire whose "greatestdays ... still lay ahead" (qtd. in Williamson, Conservative 261)despite indications to the contrary. The preservation of imperialprowess was regarded in these speeches as essential to the preservationof peace, for "no greater blow could befall the peace of the worldthan the disablement of the British Commonwealth of Nations"("Unto Whomsoever" 27).

If the health of the British Empire was seen as pivotal to worldpeace, then the health of Britain was regarded as the sole guarantor offreedom against the threat of totalitarianism. In a letter to Tom Jones,Baldwin maintained that "we are the only defenders left of libertyin a world of Fascists" (qtd. in Williamson, Conservative 319) and,in a 1935 speech, he claimed that more than any other nation, "weare today the guardians and the trustees for democracy [and] orderedfreedom" (qtd. in Williamson, Conservative 332). Williamson notesthat Baldwin's concern with the threat of totalitarianism surpassedthat of the ordinary, and became the "keynote in a series ofvaledictory addresses on leaving office in 1937" (Conservative317). Because Baldwin was always sensitive to the threat that"imported foreign ideas"--key among them fascism andcommunism--potentially posed to British democracy and freedom, a"sense of international infection" became a "principalfeature of Baldwin's public doctrine, and his most favouredpolitical instrument" (ibid.) during this time. Thus he would referto fascism and communism--those "alien plants--for they neitherhave their roots in England" ("Our Freedom" 23) --asexternal threats against which Britons must protect themselves. ThreeGuineas supplies evidence in direct refutation of such claims, arguinginstead that the dictator "is here among us, raising his ugly head,spitting his poison, small still, curled up like a caterpillar on aleaf, but in the heart of England" (65). The lines that follow takeon added significance when we consider that they may, after all, havebeen addressed to Baldwin himself. "Should we not help her to crushhim in our own country before we ask her to help us to crush himabroad?" she asks her male correspondent. "And what right havewe, Sir, to trumpet our ideals of freedom and justice to other countrieswhen we can shake out from our most respectable newspapers any day ofthe week eggs like these?" (65-6).

"His name ... a household word throughout the land": SirGordon Hewart (40)

Of the photographic subjects who appear in Three Guineas, theidentity of Gordon Hewart has received the most extensive historicalrestoration for a contemporary audience, thanks to Stuart Clarke's2003 article in Virginia Woolf Miscellany. (41) His piece documents theWoolfs' references to several prominent cases over which Hewart hadpresided during the twenties and thirties: namely, the much-publicizedmurder trial of Edith Thompson and Freddy Bywaters (1922) and the libeltrials of Marie Stopes (1923), Count Potocki de Montalk (1932), and RoseMacaulay (1936). (42) Limiting his attention to those trials for whichwe possess "direct evidence" (15) of Woolf's interest (inthe form of diary entries and letters), however, Clarke is forced toomit many of Hewart's significant cultural interventions that wouldhave been familiar to Woolf and her contemporaries.

Gordon Hewart was known widely as a skilled, learned orator, whohad by the 1920s earned a reputation as "the best after-dinnerspeaker in London" (Jackson 291): "a well-known establishmentfigure for his public pronouncements" (Clarke, "Lord ChiefJustice" 15) as much as for his judicial ones, both of whichappeared frequently in the press. Hewart's figure is evoked mostnotably in Three Guineas in Woolf's extensive quotation of histoast before the Royal Society of St. George, celebrating England as the"home" of liberty and democracy. Hewart's speechprovocatively establishes a causal connection between men'seducational and professional opportunities and their patrioticobligation, observing how "Englishmen are proud of England. Forthose who have been trained in English schools and English universities,and who have done the work of their lives in England, there are fewloves stronger than the love we have for our country" (qtd. in TG12). The transcript of Hewart's remarks is included in two separatenewspaper clippings that Woolf archived in her scrapbooks (MHP B16.f,Vol. 2: 3, 12), a fact that further suggests the importance of the"Lord Chief Justice's point of view" (TG 13) as aspringboard for her inquiries into whether the educated man'ssister shared the same obligations as her brother in light of herimpoverished educational and professional opportunities. (43) As thehead of the British legal system, Gordon Hewart is, moreover, the figureclosest to the physical embodiment of Law, and it is in this role ascreator and enforcer of the Law that Hewart is cast by Woolf as amodern-day Creon, who "held that 'disobedience is the worst ofevils,' and that 'whomsoever the city may appoint, that manmust be obeyed, in little things and great, in just things andunjust'" (TG 201). "It is easy to squeeze thesecharacters into up-to-date dress," she continues, a reference nodoubt to Hewart's actual photograph and to the verbal portrait ofhim included in Woolf's scrapbook, in which he is described as"wearing scarlet and ermine robes and full-bottomed wigs surmountedby black caps" (MHP B16.f, Vol. 3: 61).

Hewart retains the reputation of having been "one of the leastsatisfactory holders of the office" (Blom-Cooper and Morris, 123note 38), "a formidable pocket despot whose benevolence was aveneer" (Jackson 295). He is remembered by historians for havingbeen "perhaps the worst Lord Chief Justice of England since theseventeenth century" on account of his "arbitrary andunjudicial behavior," which had "somewhat tarnished" thehighest juridical position in the land by the close of his tenure in1941 (Heuston 603-4). Leonard Woolf, who had attended Count Potocki deMontalk's obscenity trial, regarded Hewart as "a typicalexample of a High Court judge suffering from the occupational disease ofsad*stic, vindictive self-righteousness. His treatment of theunfortunate Mr Y [Count Potocki de Montalk] was disgraceful"(Downhill 137). Hewart's ruling in the case was deemed a"judicial injustice" and "a grossly inequitablejudgment" stemming from bias (Downhill 212). This "tendency totake sides in cases that came before him" (Jackson 157) was onewell-noted by his contemporaries: in 1929, Hewart's behavior at themuch-publicized trial of William Cooper Hobbs "confirmed in theTemple a feeling that on occasions the Chief was far too hasty in hisjudgments. From the start of the trial, the Chief took a violent disliketo the plaintiff, and all through seemed determined to frustrate hisattempt to obtain justice. His conduct of the trial was testy,vindictive, and far from impartial" (Jackson 199). Moreover, his"autocratic and irascible bearing in court" had become"more and more noticeable by 1928," resulting in his publiccensure by the Bar Council in that same year (Jackson 197-99). Hislongstanding record as a supporter of women's suffrage and advocateof divorce and marriage law reform notwithstanding, it was Hewart'srenowned temperament that made him an ideal modern-day stand in for theautocratic figure of Creon.

Hewart's direct involvement in cases that led to thesignificant expansion of state powers, the erosion of individual civilliberties, and the suppression of political dissent during the interwarperiod, moreover, allows Woolf to signify these discourses through hisfigure. Serving as Attorney General in Lloyd George's coalitiongovernment, a position he held from 1919-22 immediately preceding hispromotion to the position of Lord Chief Justice in 1922, Gordon Hewartwas instrumental in reversing and amending war time legislation (Jackson87). In 1920, Hewart moved for a second reading of the Official SecretsAct of 1911; while the 1911 Act had referred quite clearly to espionage,the vaguely worded changes proposed in the 1920 Act were widelydenounced as potentially threatening to civil liberties and freedom ofthe press (Anderson 15-16). As General Secretary of the Council forCivil Liberties Ronald Kidd pointed out, in spite of such theoreticalassurances by Hewart and others of the bill's supporters, inpractice the Act was used as "a convenient instrument for theassertion of bureaucratic authority, ... for political purposes, tocheck the freedom of the Press and even to limit free discussion in theHouse of Commons" (91). In 1937, the National Campaign for CivilLiberties undertook a campaign against "misuse" of the law,which led lawmakers in 1939 to amend its language, thereby restrictingits applicability to "acts of espionage" (Anderson 22, 19).(44)

Several additional trials with which Hewart was associated arelikely to have been of interest to the Woolfs: namely, his successful(and highly unpopular) prosecution of Trade Union leader Tom Mann in1912 under the Incitement to Mutiny Act for his efforts to persuadesoldiers to disobey orders to break strikes (Jackson 54), and twoappeals cases over which he presided in the Divisional Court that woulddirectly involve him in controversy over the suppression of individualcivil liberties in the mid-thirties--two of the "great quartet ofpublic order cases in English law" (Williams 118). (45)

In the first of the two appeals cases, police refused to leave apeaceful protest organized by Alun Thomas, a member of the CommunistParty, protesting the Incitement to Disaffection Bill that was thenunder parliamentary review in 1934, despite the fact that just twomonths earlier the Home Secretary, Sir John Gilmour, had affirmed beforethe House of Commons that police were barred from attending suchmeetings "unless they have reason to believe that an actual [asopposed to an anticipated] breach of the peace is being committed in themeeting" (Williams 11819). (46) Hewart quickly dismissed the case,maintaining that police entry to private property was justified incirc*mstances in which an officer has "reasonable ground forbelieving that an offence is imminent or is likely to be committed"(Williams 122). (47) The second of these important trials extended topolice the authority to ban public meetings that were seen as beinglikely to cause a breach of the peace. In 1934, Katherine SinclairDuncan, a member of the National Unemployed Workers' Movement, wasarrested for refusing to move her platform during a public meetingoutside a training center for unemployed workers on the topic of"defend[ing] the right of free speech and public meeting" (E.C. S. Wade 179). The legal issue in Duncan v. Jones hinged on thequestion of whether, and in what circ*mstances, police possessed theauthority to prevent a political meeting from taking place, since"before this decision, the police could intervene to prevent ameeting being held only when a breach of the peace actual orcontemplated at the meeting then assembled was in issue" or when agathering obstructed traffic (E. C. S. Wade 179). As a September 22,1934 article in the New Statesman explained, "her arrest wasjustified on the ground that she might have said something, had she beenallowed to speak, which would have led to a breach of the peace"(qtd. in Kidd 23). Hewart again was to dismiss the appeal after only ahasty hearing, effectively establishing the police "as the arbitersof what political parties or religious sects shall and shall not beaccorded the rights of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly"(Kidd 24). What made this ruling particularly problematic was itsnotably uneven application, as police were more likely to intervene inmeetings of the Communist Party, unemployed workers' groups, andanti-war groups than those of fascist organizations like the B.U.F. (48)Although largely unknown to modern readers, this episode in Britishjuridical history "is as noteworthy today for the vacuity of itsreasoning as for its long term deleterious effect on civil liberties.The case is well known for the latter, and frequently applied by thepolice, though its historical context has long been forgotten"(Ewing and Gearty 265). The theoretical and practical consequences ofthis decision, which provided "a source of open-ended police powerto restrict civil liberties" (Ewing and Gearty 274), were asdevastating for the private individual as for groups holdingmarginalized views. As Ronald Kidd writes, this decision"establishes the precedent that the police have power to ban anypolitical meeting in streets or public places at will.... The police areset up by this judgment as the arbiters of what political parties orreligious sects shall and shall not be accorded the rights of freedom ofspeech and freedom of assembly" (24). An effect of this decisionwas to further disenfranchise those with limited economic resources, asanother legal commentator has noted:

Since Duncan v. Jones the net has closed entirely upon those whofrom lack of resources, or for other reasons, desire to hold meetings inpublic places. The result is that there is now no assurance, unlesspolice permission is secured in advance, that a meeting can be heldanywhere in a public place. (E. C. S. Wade 179)

The decisions of the Divisional Court on both matters was to conferan unprecedented authority upon the state to intervene in civil affairs,leading one commentator to reflect that "had the police sought ageneral power of this nature from the Legislature, no House of Commonsin the twentieth century would have been willing to grant it....BothThomas v. Sawkins and Duncan v. Jones are certainly powerful weapons inthe hands of the Administration" (ibid.).

Woolf's emphasis on those "cheap and so far unforbiddeninstruments" that the Outsider might use to "put her opinioninto practice" (TG 116) can be read as an acknowledgment of theabove recent legislation, and as a grassroots attempt to circumvent it."The private printing press is an actual fact, and not beyond thereach of a moderate income. Typewriters and duplicators are actual factsand even cheaper," she remarks (ibid.). Private meetings,furthermore, may take the place of public ones, now that "you havea room, not necessarily 'cosy' or 'handsome' butstill silent, private; a room where safe from publicity and its poisonyou could, even asking a reasonable fee for the service, speak thetruth" (116). It is from this place, and through these means, thatwomen of even the most limited means can learn to "speak freely asfree people should" (148). Her inclusion of Hewart'sphotograph is an attempt to indict one of the individuals most directlyresponsible for the curtailment of civil liberties and expansion ofpolice powers during the interwar period.

"Prancing down Whitehall on a War-Horse": StateTrumpeters of the Household Cavalry (49)

To date, the most ubiquitous reading of the photograph picturingthe State Trumpeters of the Household Cavalry focuses on "thenotable visual (and textual) omission at the heart, or the top, of thishierarchy," as Alice Staveley writes:

 [T]he Heralds stand regally to attention--the monarch [sic] coat of arms with its motto, "Dieu et Mon Droit" visible on their ensigns--trumpeting a monarch whose very absence marks the sort of presence that, in the wake of the recent Abdication Crisis, provided its own equivocal commentary on the inviolability of the old order. (5)

Stuart Clarke likewise argues that the trumpeters "are ineffect representing the absent King" ("Lord ChiefJustice" 12), whom Julia Briggs refers to as "the one figurenotably missing from this pantheon of patriarchs" (325). The visualevidence provided by the photograph bolsters this reading, for the goldstate coat and blue jockey cap worn by the trumpeters indicates a stateoccasion at which the monarch and/or members of the royal family wouldhave, in fact, been present. Members of the HouseholdCavalry--"without whose gleaming breastplates and nodding plumesthe King and Queen on state occasions would appear to their devotedsubjects strange and forlorn indeed," as a 1936 Time magazinearticle notes--undoubtedly would have signified the monarchy forWoolf's readers in a powerful way ("Heroes Unhorsed" 20).

While true that "their function would have been to precede andprepare the way for the heralds' reading of a proclamation such asthat proclaiming the coronation of a king," as Merry Pawlowskiargues ("Veil" 731), it seems less conclusive that theoccasion in question is the May 12, 1937 coronation of George VI, as sheargues, given the spate of royal proclamations delivered throughout the1935-37 period: this occasion just as easily might have been theproclamation of the accession of Edward VIII upon the death of George V(January 23, 1936), or that announcing the date of Edward VIII'simpending coronation (May 29, 1936); or that announcing the accession ofGeorge VI upon the abdication of Edward VIII (December 14, 1936). (50)It seems possible, too, that the occasion might have been one related toGeorge V's Silver Jubilee celebrations in 1935. Still, thatcoronations are never far from Woolf's mind, interwoven as they arethroughout the fabric of Three Guineas, adds further support to thisargument. In one passage, she calls upon the daughters of educated men,for example, to absent themselves from scenes of "dictated,regimented, official pageantry, in which only one sex takes an activepart--those ceremonies, for example, which depend upon the deaths ofkings, or their coronations to inspire them" (134). Her referenceto the exclusion of women from such pageantry is consistent with hertwice-articulated complaint in that text that "[i]t was statedyesterday at the War Office that the Army Council have no intention ofopening recruiting for any women's corps" (126, 210).

A second reference to coronations--"Let us think in offices;in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronationsand Lord Mayor's Shows; let as think as we pass the Cenotaph; andin Whitehall ..." (77)--reveals something more than an isolatedallusion to that event, however. While, at first glance, it may appearas if Woolf were haphazardly conflating distinctive ceremonies andgeographical points, it becomes evident upon closer inspection that thecommon thread linking these items with one another is the very sameHousehold Cavalry depicted in her photo. As active participants in bothcoronations and Lord Mayor's Shows, the Household Cavalry is alsoconjured by the two trail blazes that Woolf provides,"Whitehall" and "the Cenotaph," which position thereader in the immediate vicinity of Horse Guards and Horse GuardsParade, which is located on Whitehall, approximately one block from theCenotaph. It is this military administrative and ceremonial site thatcan be seen in the background of the photographs of the StateTrumpeters. Rather than simply signifying lack or royal instability,then, this photograph's clear rendering of members of the HouseholdCavalry and of Horse Guards compels us to consider the historical andcultural significance of these profoundly British institutions in orderto understand what they would have signified for Woolf'sreadership.

The Household Cavalry is comprised of two regiments, the LifeGuards and the Blues and Royals (the latter known during Woolf'slifetime as the Royal Horse Guards [The Blues]), the oldest and mostsenior ranking regiments in the British Army. (51) The Life Guards wereformed from a group of royalists who had accompanied the exiled CharlesII to France, Germany, and the Netherlands--many of whom had beenmembers of a Horse and Foot guard protecting Charles I during the CivilWars--and who would be raised officially in 1656 as Charles II's"private army" as a consequence of the King's militaryalliance with the King of Spain (Harwood 32; Watson 15). Six hundredLife Guards troops, including trumpeters and kettle-drummers, wouldaccompany Charles on his ride back to London to restore the Britishmonarchy. Subsequent negotiations with Parliament over "the raisingof a small protective force designed solely to protect the court"ensured that these Life Guards would be rewarded during the Restorationfor their loyalty by becoming the foundation of the modern British Army(Harwood 36, 38). The history of the Blues and Royals is more complex.Originally a cavalry regiment in Cromwell's New Model Army, theywere reformed in 1661 as the "Royal Regiment of Horse" andofficially charged with serving the King as part of the Restorationgovernment's efforts to disband the New Model Army and protectCharles II during this period of civil unrest (ibid.). Their numberswere made up of "private gentlemen," "men of 'goodbirth' and of some private means, obliged as they were to supplytheir own horses, swords, and pistols" (Watson 23).

Increased concerns for the King's safety as a result of thefictitious Popish Plot led to the formal assignation of bodyguards tothe King in 1678, known as the Gold and Silver Sticks-in-Waiting. Duringthe reign of Charles II, the Gold Stick-in-Waiting, a colonel of eitherregiment, was called to

attend on the King's person on foot wheresoever he walks fromhis rising to his going to bed immediately next to the King's ownperson before all others, carrying in his hand an ebony staff ortruncheon with a gold head engraved with his Majesty's cipher andcrown ... Near him also attends another principal commissioned officerwith an ebony staff and silver head [the Silver Stick-in-Waiting], whois ready to relieve the Captain on all occasions. (qtd. in Watson 25;italics in original)

The Gold Stick, together with the Silver Stick-in-Waiting(generally the Lieutenant Colonel in Command of the Household Cavalry),occupy "those military appointments closest to the Sovereign"(Watson 16; Harwood 118). It is clearly the Silver Stick-in-Waiting towhom Woolf is referring in her reference to soldiers "in processionbehind a man carrying a silver poker" (TG 24), a procession thatmight have been linked to the coronation, the Trooping of the Colour, orthe State opening of Parliament, state ceremonial occasions at which theSilver Stick-in-Waiting can be seen, to this day, accompanying themonarch. Just as, in the photograph, the State Trumpeters might be saidto gesture toward the absent King, in this passage, it is the SilverStick-in-Waiting that indicates the physical presence (and textualabsence) of the monarch.

That Woolf should include in Three Guineas a photograph of membersof the Household Cavalry and refer to them throughout the text shouldcome as no great surprise, given that the soldiers of this regiment wererecognized within her lifetime, indeed well before it, as the veryexemplars of "dictated, regimented, official pageantry" (TG114), known as much for the precision of their movements and elaborateuniforms as for their rich history and proximity to the King. Ashistorian J. N. P. Watson writes,

 What King and Parliament had in mind for England's first standing army was a resplendent force, based on the model of the French that would not only protect the King, his brother and the realm in general and present itself colourfully and in a well drilled fashion on State occasions, but also act as police and be ready to form a trained cadre for rapid expansion in war. (21, 22)

Among the most colorful and skilled members of the HouseholdCavalry are the musicians who form the Bands of the Life Guards and theBlues and Royals, who are called upon to parade both mounted anddismounted, both with their regiment and with the Massed HouseholdCavalry Band. As one history of the Household Cavalry suggests, mountedparades require special skill of its musicians, who are required tocontrol their horses using only their feet ("Presenting"). Thestate dress uniform worn by members of the Massed Band, and by the StateTrumpeters when in the presence of the monarch or members of the royalfamily, is the "oldest ceremonial uniform in the Army"(ibid.), dating back to the raising of the Life Guards. As John Childswrites, "Of all the little Army [of Charles II], the mostgorgeously dressed were the three Troops of the Life Guard. Theirtrumpeters and kettle-drummers wore ceremonial uniforms which cost 58[pounds sterling] 3s 6d, their coats and cloaks covered in yards of laceand embroidery" (57). (52)

The primary annual events at which the Bands appear mounted are theQueen's Birthday Parade (Trooping the Colour); Beating Retreat; andthe Lord Mayor's Show. As part of the regimental and Massed Band,State Trumpeters take part in these parades, performing a ceremonialfunction at all state functions, including the annual Garter Ceremonyand the State Opening of Parliament (Watson 175). Dismounted fanfareteams such as the one seen in this photograph were regularly dispatchedfor the State Opening of Parliament, The Lord Mayor's banquet, andother banquets in honor of foreign dignitaries ("Presenting").Incidentally, "Lord Mayor's banquets" are included byWoolf among those "obsolete ceremonies" to be banned by theSociety of Outsiders (TG 141). Such state functions may be what Woolfhas in mind when she explicitly directs the Outsider to "absentherself from military displays, tournaments, tattoos, prize-givings andall such ceremonies as encourage the desire to impose 'our'civilization or 'our' dominion upon other people" (129).There is, moreover, additional support to link such events with theState Trumpeters of the Household Cavalry, given her infantilizingallusion to them at the conclusion of this passage:

[p]sychology would seem to show that it is far harder for humanbeings to take action when other people are indifferent and allow themcomplete freedom of action, than when their actions are made the centreof excited emotion. The small boy struts and trumpets outside thewindow: implore him to stop; he goes on; say nothing; he stops. (ibid.)

Additional uniform-specific clues embedded in the text of ThreeGuineas confirm that Woolf's specific interest is the King'sLife Guards. "Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may notdress in military uniform," she inquires, "with gold lace onour breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old familycoal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was neverdecorated with plumes of white horsehair" (76). Her allusion hererefers to the brass "Albert" helmet, with its white plume madeof horsehair, worn by the Life Guards (and which looks very much like aVictorian coal-scuttle). One of the most memorable passages in ThreeGuineas, having to do precisely with the connection betweensoldiers' uniforms and war, is likewise fraught with references tothe ceremonial uniforms of the Life Guards regiment of the HouseholdCavalry:

 The connection between dress and war is not far to seek; your finest clothes are those that you wear as soldiers. Since the red and the gold, the brass and the feathers are discarded upon active service, it is plain that their expensive and not, one might suppose, hygienic splendour is invented partly in order to impress the beholder with the majesty of the military office, partly in order through their vanity to induce young men to become soldiers. (26-7)

Her vivid rendering in this passage would have called immediatelyto the mind of Woolf's reader the Full Dress Mounted Review Orderworn by Officers of the Life Guards, comprised of a red tunic stitchedwith "gold lace" detail at the cuffs, collar, and tail; a redcloak, trimmed with gold detail, worn during inclement weather; a goldbelt and gold sling; a brass "Albert" helmet; a steel cuirass,plated with brass; and a ceremonial steel sword, its bowl decorated withbrass regimental insignia. (53) It should be noted that the uniformWoolf describes here is quite different from that of the 13th Hussarsworn by Lord Robert Baden-Powell in the Three Guineas photograph, whosedistinctive features include a dark blue dolman jacket and ornamentalbusby ("The 13th Hussars"). (54) Moreover, "LifeGuards" are specifically indicated (alongside the"Heralds" whose images appear among the Monks House scrapbookclippings) among her list of "Admirals, Generals, Heralds, LifeGuards, Peers, Beefeaters, etc.," to whose sartorial splendor shealludes in her rebuttal of Justice MacCardie's argument on fashionas feminine vice (TG 177). The specifically ceremonial nature of thisuniform is implied by Woolf's reference to its being"discarded upon active service," a phrase that also signalsher awareness that the function of these soldiers was not simplyceremonial, but operational as well.

Both Household Cavalry regiments have been engaged in active combatroles nearly continuously since their beginnings. The official BritishArmy website identifies their involvement in the Third Dutch War of1672, the Monmouth Rebellion of 1685, the Battle of the Boyne (1690),the War of Spanish Succession (1701-14), the Jacobite uprisings of 1715and 1745, the War of Austrian Succession (174-246), the Seven Years War(1756-63), the Peninsular War (1813), the 1815 Battle of Waterloo (wherethey formed the front charging line), the Crimean War (1853-56), theBoer War (1899-1902), and the Great War (1914-1918), where they wererepresented in major battles including Mons, the Marne, Ypres, Loos,Passchendaele, and Zandvoorde, where their losses were particularlyheavy. (55) In addition to these battles, the three regiments comprisingthe Household Cavalry had a significant presence during the nineteenthcentury in Egypt, the Sudan, South Africa, India, and Palestine (Watson135), thereby involving them directly in the administration of the ruleof the British Empire in those countries. This context helps account forthe postcard that Woolf sent to Clive Bell on June 5, 1930, one sidebearing a photograph of the Royal House Guards in Whitehall, and theother Woolf's message, "This is just to remind you of theEmpire" (L4 174).

That Woolf was keenly aware of the active war service supplied bythese troops is suggested by her reference in Orlando to one's"prancing down Whitehall on a war-horse" (119). During herlifetime, the horses seen parading at Horse Guards, and the soldiers whorode them, might be destined for the front, or even recently returnedfrom it. (56) As one historian explains,

By the time the Armistice brought the Great War to an end, inNovember 1918, the Household cavalry regiments had becomemachine-gunners, infantry and siege gunners.... The Household Cavalryprovided a cavalry squadron and cyclist company for the Guards Divisionfrom its formation until June 1916, but generally the Household Cavalryserved with cavalry divisions, as Army troops, or in the case of the'Household Battalion', with the 4th Division. (Chappell 4-5)

The war service provided by the King's Life Guard was, infact, the subject of public discussion during the Great War, as"contemporary comments about the Horse Guards sentries evadingservice abroad by choice were unequivocally rebutted at the time. Astatement issued to the press revealed that the King's Life Guard'was formed from men who had been invalided from the front, or whowere re-enlisted men unable to serve abroad under the conscriptionterms'" (Harwood 120). In 1926, the Guards Memorial waserected adjacent to Horse Guards Parade, commemorating the King'sFoot Guards regiments, as well as the regiments of the HouseholdCavalry, the Royal Regiment of Artillery Corps, and the Royal MedicalCorps, among others, for their service in that war. Moreover, nearly allof the soldiers attached to the home units of the Household Cavalry wereeligible for, and received, the Mons Star, also known as the "1914Star," during its first issue in 1918.

The Mons Star was awarded to the Household Cavalry regiments onHorse Guards Parade, the same site where Queen Victoria had presentedthe regiments with war medals for their service in the Crimean War in1855 (Harwood 12, 120). This location has deep historical and modern-dayties to the administration of military affairs, the protection of thesovereign, and the production of public spectacle. Given its proximitydirectly adjacent to the former Palace of Whitehall, it was an optimallocation for the first emplacement of a formal guard unit to protect theking in 1640, and Oliver Cromwell would establish the first permanentguard unit on the site in 1649 to protect himself from the civil unrestthat followed the execution of Charles I (Harwood 26, 30). It was onthis site that Britain would issue a Proclamation declaring war with theDutch in 1665, and where they would announce their victory in thatconflict. From the early 1660s, the original structure, known as OldHorse Guards, served as "the earliest example of overall centralmilitary command"--effectively the first War Office, along with aduty barracks--where "the general military became used to theirorders appearing on Horse Guards' door" (Harwood 50). Thenascent War Office would continue to occupy "New Horse Guards"until the relocation of the bulk of its offices, first to Pall Mall in1869-71, and then to the new War Office in Whitehall in 1907. TheHousehold Cavalry's most senior administrative offices remain atNew Horse Guards today, posts filled by senior-ranking military officers(of field grade and above) and their civilian equivalents (Harwood 116,118).

Historically, Horse Guards Parade was a site for spectacles bothceremonial and punitive: from 1644 to 1827, the former site of KingHenry VIII's palace Tiltyard housed what was known to spectators asthe "wooden horse," described as "wooden boards on edgewhich offenders were required to 'ride,' often with legweights attached, for the period of their sentence" (Harwood 45-6).That such punishments, lasting days on end, were meted out for"speaking mutinous and opprobrious words" (qtd. in Harwood 45)against a superior officer, and conducted simultaneously with themounting of the Guard within view of passers-by, would have been ofconsiderable interest to Woolf in light of her concerns about the risksof seditious speech in her own day. Upon the burning of the Palace ofWhitehall in 1698, and King William's subsequent removal to St.James's Palace, Old Horse Guards became the sole official entranceto the Court and Palace of St. James, rendering the site increasinglyassociated with the courtiers, state processions, and royal familymembers who would pass through it (Harwood 64). A 1748 painting by theItalian painter Canaletto depicts the first-known Trooping of the Colourceremony, while a diary entry of 1817 supplies the first-known referenceto the Changing of the Guards ceremony at Horse Guards Parade (Harwood76, 75).

The rich history evoked by these geographical sites and the Guardswho protect them was the stuff of family lore, and thus immediatelyrecognizable to Woolf and her contemporaries. Her reminiscences on theoccasion of Edward VIII's abdication make this much clear.Encountering Ottoline Morrell opposite Horse Guards that evening, Woolfreflected on the sights of Whitehall:

 We looked up at the beautiful carved front of--what office? I don't know. That's the window out of which Charles the First stepped when he had his head cut off said Ottoline, pointing to the great lit up windows in their frame of white stone. So my mother always told me. (D5 42)

Whether the final line is a continuation of Woolf's parrotingof Ottoline's historical narration, or confirmation on Woolf'sown part of the veracity of that narration, this passage makes clear theinterconnectedness of the public and the private, here made manifest inthe permeable membrane conjoining national and family historicalnarratives.

Curiously, Ottoline's allusion to the BanquetingHouse--"that's the window out of which Charles the Firststepped when he had his head cut off"--is repeated by Woolf in theearly typescript version of Between the Acts, in a troubling passagethat vivifies the rape of a young girl by Royal Horse Guards on April27, 1938. (57) The typescript's reference to "the window inWhitehall from which Charles stepped to his execution" (Leaska54-55)--a geographical marker that identifies the general vicinity ofthe scene of the crime--is replaced in the published version withincreasingly specific details, naming both its perpetrator, the"guard at Whitehall," and its location, a barracks room fromwhich the Arch at Whitehall can be seen--a room within historic HorseGuards itself. While it is clear that Woolf's decision to includethe photograph of the State Trumpeters predates the rape incident, andthus could not have figured into her initial motivation for using it,that she did not remove or replace it (despite having known that itwould signify this recent event for her readers) constitutes an implicitinvitation to combat the romantic mythologizing of history with evidencedrawn from "the daily paper, history in the raw" (TG 9).

Woolf's reminiscences on the abdication go on to suggest justhow deeply entrenched such mythologies and romances can be, as the meresight of the mounted Household Cavalry guards sends her into rapture:

 I felt I was walking in the 17th Century with one of the courtiers, & she [Ottoline] was lamenting not the abdication of Edward ... but the execution of Charles.... Still he hadn't yet, so far as we knew, thrown it away. "It" seemed then, looking at the curved street, & at the red & silver guards drawn up in the court-yard with the Park & the white government buildings behind, very stately, very lovely, very much the noble & severe aristocratic Stuart England. (D5 42-43)

That Woolf's knowledge of history, along with her sense ofromance and awe, were capable of having been triggered by a glimpse ofthe guards on duty at Horse Guards suggests something of the latent (andpersistent) associations such images possessed for her and her Britishcontemporaries. It may suggest, too, her endorsem*nt of a particular wayof reading such images, whether encountered in the text or on thestreet--one that sees the past superimposed upon the present image inorder to reveal its fullest possible range of signification.

III Beating Retreat (58)

Woolf maintained that to eradicate war would require the concertedaction of individuals; to that end, the text of Three Guineas is focusedequally upon the methods of resistance available to the individual andthe effects that these actions are likely to have should they beundertaken by the requisite number of people. (59) What I would like tosuggest in closing is that the work's photographs invite a similarway of apprehending the role of the individual and the collective inperpetuating war. While each photograph depicts a specific individualcountenance, calling us to attend to the ways in which that figure isimplicated indirectly in the perpetuation of war, each photograph alsoalways exists as one of a series, each component of that series takingon additional meaning in relation to the others and thereby creatingfurther links in each photograph's chains of signification. Ourattention, like that of the members of a reviewing party before whomuniformed figures parade, is occupied alternately by the individualfigure and the larger formation of which he is a part: not just theother men who are pictured, but that entire formation of educatedmen's sons who parade through the streets of Three Guineas'London. Woolf's own discourse likewise is divided between carefulattention to isolated examples of women's systematic oppression,culled from biography and newspaper, and her skillful weaving togetherof those separate threads into an intricate tapestry in which thehistoric and ongoing oppression of British women is linked toContinental fascism and thereby to the perpetuation of war. The centraltension of Three Guineas derives from this discursive toggling betweenthe micro and the macro, the part and the whole.

The series of photographs under discussion here also always standsin relation to another set of photographs--those absent photographs ofdead children and ruined houses. It is ironic that critics'preoccupation with Woolf's mysterious omission of this set ofphotographs has led them, in large part, to neglect the photographs thatare present, given that the two can exist only in relation to oneanother, their relative absence and presence inscribed clearly into thetext itself. While the presence of the photographs highlights theabsence of these others, the opposite is true as well, and at leastequally important for theorizing the work's visual dimensions. Ifabsence ineluctably gestures toward its inverse, as is generally held tobe true, then it can be argued that each iteration of dead bodies andruined houses functions within the narrative as a pointing gesture thatdirects us toward the present photographs, as if to say that which darenot be spoken aloud, or written down, in 1938: "They didthis."

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(1) Chapter 11 of US Army TC 3-21.5 identifies "pass inreview" as the final step in a ceremonial battalion parade, inwhich the battalion passes before a reviewing party, rendering honors tothe commander of troops and staff. The views expressed herein are thoseof the author and do not reflect the position of the United StatesMilitary Academy, the Department of the Army, or the Department ofDefense.

(2) The first issue of the first British edition, published by theHogarth Press on June 2, 1938, and the second issue of the first Britishedition (the Uniform edition), published November 1943, included fiveplates opposite pages 37, 39, 43, 113, and 220. The first Americanedition, published by Harcourt Brace on August 25, 1938, included fiveplates opposite pages 30, 32, 34, 94, and 184; see Kirkpatrick andClarke. These photographs are notably absent from the truncated,Americanized version of Three Guineas published as "Women MustWeep" in the May-June 1938 issues of the Atlantic Monthly.

(3) Barrett's 1993 Penguin composite edition was the first ofthese reprints to restore all five plates to their original positions,labeled as "A General," "A University Procession,""A Judge," "An Archbishop," and "Heralds."The second British edition, a 1986 Hogarth photo-offset reprintintroduced by Hermione Lee, included four rather than five plates, asdid Lee's 1984 composite edition of A Room of One's Own andThree Guineas; in the latter edition, the photographs were reduced insize and rearranged to appear on two two-page spreads. MoragShiach's 1992 World's Classics composite edition of A Room ofOne's Own and Three Guineas likewise included only four photographsin a two-page spread; see Kirkpatrick and Clarke.

(4) Cigarette cards, collectible trading cards issued in series andincluded by manufacturers to stiffen cigarette packs, were popular fromthe mid-nineteenth to twentieth centuries. Three of the five cardsincluded here--those depicting Cosmo Gordon Lang (as Archbishop ofCanterbury), Gordon Hewart (as Lord Chief Justice), and a Statetrumpeter of the Household Cavalry--are part of a 1937 Coronation seriesproduced by British cigarette manufacturer John Player and Sons. Thecigarette card rendering of Robert Baden-Powell is part of Alick P. F.Ritchie's 1926 "Straight Line Caricature" series, alsoproduced by John Player and Sons, while that of Stanley Baldwin belongsto Phillips Godfrey's 1935 "In the Public Eye" series.Additional images from these, and other, cigarette card series areviewable through the online digital collections of the New York PublicLibrary and the National Portrait Gallery.

(5) See, for example, Black, "Not a novel" 41-43,"Introduction" lvii, and Virginia Woolf 170; Knowles 95; Humm,Modernist 198 and "Virginia Woolf and Visual Culture" 227.

(6) A curious fact underscoring how thoroughly these subjects havebeen divested of bone and blood is the frequency with which they arereduced to inanimate objects: whether as "satiricalillustrations" (Gualtieri 165; italics mine); "illustrationsof masculine spectacle" (Pawlowski, "Seule" 8; italicsmine); "fetishes of the symbolic.... timeless dead icons ofpatriarchy" (Humm, Modernist Women 198; "Virginia Woolf andVisual Culture" 227; "Cinema and Photography"; italicsmine); "contemporary British totems" (Duffy and Davis 128;italics mine); or a simulacrum of reality" (Dickey 389; italicsmine). For additional examples, see Gillespie; Wussow; Black, "Nota novel"; and Duffy and Davis.

(7) On the comic and/or parodic dimension of the photographs, seeBurton; Bell, "A Room"; Briggs; Hartley; Neverow,"Freudian Seduction" and "Documenting"; Dickey;Hinnov; Warner; Sharpe; Black, "Introduction" lxi. EmilyDalgarno and R. S. Koppen, by contrast, call attention to thephotographs' ideological and semiotic functions, respectively,while Jane Marcus ("Introduction"), Conor Tomas Reed, and JeanMills attend to their political significance.

(8) See Berman and Coates.

(9) While Dalgarno calls attention to photographs' ability to"signify independently of the text" (169), she does notconsider the implications of this principle to the photographs underconsideration here. Moreover, her view of Woolf's subversiveaesthetic, whereby image and text are de-coupled, is predicated on afamiliar de-historicizing of the subjects: Woolf "deconstructs therelationship of image to text," her argument goes, "when sherepresents the functions of institutions not as generals, judges, andprofessors, but as decorations and costumes" (171).

(10) Woolf's liberation of the image can be viewed as asignificant anti-patriarchal technique, one of many in this text. Forfurther discussion, see my "'My Country Is the WholeWorld': Three Guineas and the Culture of Pacifist Dissent,"Ch. 3; Marcus, "Introduction"; Duffy and Davis; Winterhalter;Black, "Introduction"; and Lilly.

(11) In "Thinking back through Our Mothers," Jane Marcusfinds common ground between Walter Benjamin and Virginia Woolf'ssubversive use of documentary history as a form of social and politicalresistance.

(12) Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings provide the followingdefinitions of citation a l'ordre du jour: "a citation to betaken up as (part of) the business of the day," "a citation ofpressing concern at a given moment," and, "in a militarycontext, to something mentioned in the day's dispatches"(398).

(13) For a fuller consideration of each subject, see my"'My Country is the Whole World': Three Guineas and theCulture of Pacifist Dissent," on which the current article isbased.

(14) In 1915 she had watched the Lord Mayor of London order herbrother-in-law's pacifist pamphlet, Peace at Once, be destroyed.She would take an active role in several proceedings regarding freespeech in the thirties, speaking out in defense of Radclyffe Hall andCount Potocki de Montalk against obscenity charges, and in support ofRose Macaulay against libel charges. On the latter case, see StuartClarke's "Lord Chief Justice."

(15) This bill was roundly denounced by the Council for CivilLiberties, the Labour Party, the Society of Friends, and by severalChristian peace organizations, as well as by radical publishers andeducators, including Woolf's cousin, H. A. L. Fisher, whomaintained that "the powers conferred on magistrates areexcessive" ("Sedition Bill").

(16) See also John Johnston, The Lord Chamberlain's BluePencil, Chapter 7, and Anthony Aldgate and James C. Robertson,Censorship in Theatre and Cinema.

(17) Other church organizations such as the Boys' Brigade andthe YMCA used as their foundation Baden-Powell's early militarymanual, Aids to Scouting (1899), the product of his many years ofscouting and reconnaissance work with the army; incidentally,Baden-Powell had served as VP of the Boys' Brigade in 1903 whileplanning his own organization (Warren, "Robert" 115).

(18) Baden-Powell authored numerous books in addition to his mostwidely read Scouting manual, Scouting for Boys: A Handbook forInstruction in Good Citizenship (1910), which sold millions of copiesand went into ten editions in his lifetime (Daniels 24).

(19) Such fears, it seems, were not entirely unwarranted, as"stunted stature" and poor dental health were so ubiquitousamong British recruits during this conflict that the army had to modifyits physical standards (Daniels 23). Among the causes generally blamedfor racial deterioration were venereal disease, racial intermarriage,and declining birthrates (Enloe 50). Declining birthrates and anxietyover racial deterioration would prompt the government to introduceprograms aimed at improving infant mortality and welfare, which resultedin the emergence of a powerful pronatalist movement at the outset of theGreat War (Ross 198-201).

(20) The development of the Girl Guides coincided with theemergence of a powerful pronatalist movement in Britain. Baden-Powelland his sister, Agnes (who would run the Girl Scouts until the post wasassumed by his wife, Olave), laid out the principles of Guiding in HowGirls Can Help Build up the Empire: A Handbook for Girl Guides (1912)(Warren, "Robert" 115-6). Both Woolf and Baden-Powellrecognized the importance of child-bearing to the nation: whileBaden-Powell held that girls' future roles as wives and mothersbestowed upon the Girl Guides "greater national importance than theBoy Scouts" ("Lest We Run"), Woolf urged women to resistpronatalist propaganda as a political gesture, noting how "onemethod by which she [the educated man's daughter] can help toprevent war is to refuse to bear children" (147); see also MHPB16.f, Vol. 3: 4.

(21) Criticism of Scouting's paramilitary aspects was rifeduring the 1920s and 1930s, particularly among the British Left. ThePrince of Wales commented that "disciplined physical training is aform of 'militarism' or conducive to it" ("Peace and'Pacifism'" 15) while Ramsay MacDonald refused in 1923 toserve on the Scout Council over concerns that those running the movementhad intentions to militarize it (Springhall, "Baden-Powell and theScout Movement" 940). Lady Shena Simon, in a Letter to the Editorincluded in Woolf's scrapbooks, similarly expresses concern overLord Stanhope's appointment as President of the Board of Educationgiven his connections with the military, and over whether"'the new drive for physical fitness in the schools is to bedeveloped in close connection with the fighting Services'"(MHP B16.f, Vol. 3: 8).

(22) For further discussion of the idea that Scouting was createdto form a new generation of soldiers, see Springhall, "Baden-Powelland the Scout Movement," "The Boy Scouts, Class andMilitarism," and Youth, Empire and Society; Hynes; Gillis; Summers;Rosenthal, and MacDonald. For the opposing view, see Jeal and Warren.

(23) See Kathy Phillips's Virginia Woolf against Empire for adiscussion of Baden-Powell's imperialist rhetoric as it relates tothe character of Captain Brace in Woolf's short story "Scenesfrom the Life of a British Naval Officer" (235, 237-38).

(24) The connection between nationalism and religion is madeconcrete in a passage of Three Guineas in which she acidly remarks,"You will have to wear certain uniforms and profess certainloyalties. If you succeed in those professions the words 'For Godand the Empire' will very likely be written, like the address on adog-collar, round your neck" (85). In a footnote to this passage,she remarks how "those who thus ticket themselves see someconnection between the Deity and the Empire, and hold themselvesprepared to defend them" (194). "Is God English?" she hadasked herself rhetorically in her typewritten notes for Three Guineas(MHP B16.f, Vol. 1: 39).

(25) See Wisor for a discussion of pacifism and the role of theChurch of England during the interwar period.

(26) Stanley Baldwin, qtd. in Hastings 248.

(27) Lang's familiarity with the royal family wasunprecedented (Hastings 248; Wilkinson 457): he was made honorarychaplain to Queen Victoria in 1896; baptized Queen Elizabeth II asArchbishop of York; and boasted close connections to King George V,Queen Mary, and King George VI. Upon King George V's death in 1936,Lang would eulogize him as "a very dear friend"("Convocation of Canterbury, Loyal Tributes"). The relationswere perhaps closer than many imagined: it was Lang who had drafted theKing's last two Christmas broadcasts and his Silver Jubileebroadcast, as well as the messages given by Queen Mary following hisdeath and the abdication of her son, Edward VIII (Wilkinson 459).

(28) Woolf's scrapbooks contain a description and photographof the pageantry surrounding the Lord Mayor's Show (MHP B16.f, Vol.3: 61).

(29) For more on the ritual and symbolic changes made toLang's enthronement ceremony, see Lockhart and Carpenter.

(30) The original reads: "Mere fultosme [sic] and fltithy[sic] p ayactoring [sic] feeble rhetoric" (MHP B16.f, Vol. 2: 56).

(31) It would not be until the 1968 Lambeth Conference that therole of deaconess would be officially recognized as a holy order andNovember 11, 1992 that women obtained the right to be ordained aspriests in the Church of England (Petre 25).

(32) Woolf attributes the dwindling number of female churchgoerswith their exclusion from the church (TG 139, 212). The Monks Housescrapbooks contain further evidence of Woolf's interest inwomen's absenting themselves from the church as a political gesture(MHP B16.f, Vol. 1: 63; Vol. 3: 49; and Vol. 1: 54).

(33) Williamson, "Reputation" 131.

(34) The trivia question that appears at the bottom of thecigarette card bearing Baldwin's image suggests that his reputationas a gentleman farmer was known widely in 1935, the year in which thiscard was issued by Phillips Godfrey.

(35) Selections from his speeches were published in four volumesthat appeared just prior to and during the period under discussion:these included On England and Other Addresses (1926), Our Inheritance,Speeches and Addresses (1928), This Torch of Freedom (1935), and Serviceof Our Lives, Last Speeches as Prime Minister (1937). These volumes soldwell, and were reprinted in cheap editions between 1935 and 1938. OnEngland was reissued in paperback by Penguin in 1937, while extractsfrom the last three volumes, edited by R. Bennett, appeared in 1937under the title This Torch I Would Hand to You (Williamson, Conservative154, 366).

(36) Two events, in particular, would place Baldwin at the centerof considerable public controversy during the mid-thirties: his supportfor the 1935 Hoare-Laval Pact that proposed the partitioning ofAbyssinia--about which then Secretary of State for War Duff Cooperwrote, "I have never witnessed so devastating a wave of publicopinion" (193)--and his refusal to introduce a bill in favor ofmorganatic marriage in December 1936, which was perceived by the publicas having unceremoniously forced Edward VIII's hand in favor ofabdication.

(37) "Baldwin's government organised as for war,energised by a ferociously anti-working-class Churchill (Virginia Woolfsaw his armoured tanks on the streets, and heard the rumours about hisplans for using tear gas) and a reactionary Home Secretary,Joynson-Hicks" (Lee, Virginia Woolf 532). Much of the Strike'simpact on onlookers would have been the result of the fact that"the war was so recent" and that "so many of thestrikers, and the workers who helped to break the strike, had fought fortheir country" (Lee, Virginia Woolf 533).

(38) The index to Volume Two, for example, includes the heading"Newnham wants money to rebuild" in close proximity to entriesdetailing "Oxfords [sic] income" and "More money forUniversities" from the state (MHP B16.f, Vol. 2: 14, 19). VolumeOne reveals a similar preoccupation with the financial and physicalstate of women's colleges, juxtaposing on a single page a report ofa room at Somerville "over run with mice" with a second reportthat "Somerville received with pathetic gratitude the 7,000 [poundssterling] which went to it last year from the Jubilee gift and a privatebequest" (MHP B16.f, Vol. 1: 46).

(39) Although Woolf was not in attendance at the March 31, 1936meeting at which his remarks were made--she notes in her diary, "Iwished I had gone to Downing St. to hear Baldwin on Newnham" (D521)--it appears that she later requested information on this speech fromthe Women's Service Library. In a letter dated July 3, 1937, thelibrarian, Vera Douie, writes, "I am sending you a copy of thereport on Mr. Baldwin's speech about women in the Civil Servicewhich appeared in the 'Daily Telegraph' on April 1st,1936" (Pawlowski, "The Virginia Woolf and Vera DouieLetters" 11). Woolf quotes extensively from this report throughoutthe second section of Three Guineas.

(40) Lord Caldecote, qtd. in "Lord Hewart: Tributes at the LawCourts."

(41) Woolf's decision to include Hewart's photograph isbriefly addressed in Alice Wood's recent Virginia Woolf's LateCultural Criticism (2013), 77-78.

(42) Clarke identifies Woolf as a signatory to two letters sent tothe newspaper on the subject of obscenity, and a third on the subject oflibel, "Authors and the Law of Libel: A Plea for Reform"published in The Times ("Lord Chief Justice" 24, 20).

(43) "The educated man's sister--what does'patriotism' mean to her? Has she the same reasons for beingproud of England, for loving England, for defending England? Has shebeen 'greatly blessed' in England? History and biography whenquestioned would seem to show that her position in the home of freedomhas been different from her brother's ....Therefore herinterpretation of the word 'patriotism' may well differ fromhis. And that difference may make it extremely difficult for her tounderstand his definition of patriotism and the duties it imposes. Itseems plain that we think differently according as we are borndifferently; there is a Grenfell point of view; a Knebworth point ofview; a Wilfred Owen point of view; a Lord Chief Justice's point ofview and the point of view of an educated man's daughter" (TG12-13).

(44) Twenty-eight prosecutions resulted between the years 1933 and1938; see Anderson 18 and Kidd 90-107 for further discussion. Hewartpresided over a highly controversial case in 1938, in which ajournalist, Ernest Lewis, was prosecuted under the Official Secrets Actof 1920 for declining to reveal his sources--a decision that led to anoutcry among Members of Parliament (Jackson 324).

(45) See Ewing and Gearty; Williams; E. C. S. Wade; Goodheart; andKidd for summaries of both cases. Williams identifies the others as Wisev. Dunning and Beatty v. Gillbanks (118).

(46) Sir John Gilmour's articulation of police policy beforethe House of Commons in June 1934, following upon the heels of theviolent B.U.F. rally at Olympia that took place earlier that month,appears to have been a defense of what many regarded as a failure on thepart of police to intervene in a situation in which a breach of peaceclearly had been taking place (Kidd 124-25; Goodheart 22).

(47) This decision reiterated an earlier one regarding a similarseries of events at Glamorgan, which many constitutional authoritiesmaintained was based on a flawed interpretation of the law (Jackson290).

(48) This discrepancy in the application of the law is made furtherapparent in the events surrounding the much-publicized B.U.F. rally heldat the Royal Albert Hall in 1936. While approximately 2,000 officerswere positioned at the anti-Fascist demonstration outside where therally was taking place, only thirty officers were positioned inside thehall itself; eyewitness accounts maintain, moreover, that those thirtyofficers repeatedly refused to intervene amidst escalating Blackshirtviolence, despite being asked for assistance by several members of thecrowd (Kidd 126-27; Ewing and Gearty 295-302). It is interesting to notethat Gordon Hewart had presided over Sir Oswald Mosley's libel caseagainst The Star--"a political cause celebre of firstmagnitude" (Jackson 244)--and came out strongly in favor of theFascist leader, securing from the jury damages in the nearlyunprecedented amount of 5,000 [pounds sterling] (Jackson 242-48). One ofMosley's attorneys in the case was the Woolfs' friend, St JohnHutchinson.

(49) "[Orlando] thanked Heaven that she was not prancing downWhitehall on a war-horse, not even sentencing a man to death"(119).

(50) Pawlowski postulates that Woolf intentionally mislabels theState Trumpeters as "heralds" in the book's List ofIllustrations in order to form a "textual link" to an imagethat appears in vol. 2 of the Monks House scrapbooks, in which heraldscan be seen announcing the proclamation of Edward VIII'scoronation, an event that would never occur. Her view of the photographas an ironic commentary on "the breakdown, even if momentary, ofroyal authority" ("Veil" 731-2) is consistent with thatof other scholars who read the State Trumpeters as signifying this royalabsence.

(51) For the sake of clarity, the regiment known duringWoolf's lifetime as the Royal Horse Guards (The Blues) will becalled hereafter by its current name, the Blues and Royals.

(52) The 2014 equivalent of this figure is calculated roughly as5,818 [pounds sterling], or $9,163. The sartorial finery of trumpetershas been dictated historically by their association with the nobility,whose entrance into battle and tournaments they would announce. Althoughstill maintaining a noncombatant role during the Restoration--a statusindicated by the broken-off blades of their swords--trumpeters were"chosen for having an acceptable manner, the ability to carrymessages and to parley with the enemy, and to act as special orderliesto Generals" ("Presenting"). Throughout British history,they have sounded orders for troops to charge, performing this functionat battles including those of Dettingen (1743) and of Waterloo (1815).

(53) The Household Cavalry website is exhaustive in itsdocumentation of the division's history, customs, uniforms andfunctions: http://householdcavalry.info/uniforms.html.

(54) Additional images of Baden-Powell in full dress can be foundat http://www.pinetreeweb. com/bp-hussars.htm

(55) For an overview of the Household Cavalry's involvement inthese battles, see the official website of the British Army,http://www.army.mod.uk/armoured/regiments/28074.aspx.

(56) One such famous decorated war-horse, "Freddy ofPaardeburg," resumed ceremonial duties following service duringfive different campaigns in the Second Boer War: "anyone attendingguard mountings at Horse Guards after the South African War in 1901cannot have failed to notice that one of the horses wore a campaignmedal on its harness: this horse was 'Freddy'" (Harwood118-120).

(57) See Stuart Clarke's "A Horse with a Green Tail"for a discussion of these events and their representation in the press.

(58) According to the official website of the British Army,"Beating Retreat has its origins in the early years of organisedwarfare when the beating of drums and the parading of Post Guardsheralded the closing of camp gates and the lowering of flags at the endof the day."

(59) Interestingly, this number was one that changed repeatedlythroughout Woolf's drafting of the work, vacillating between as fewas ten and as many as two hundred and fifty people. See Wisor,"Versioning Virginia Woolf: Notes toward a Post-Eclectic Edition ofThree Guineas."